Wednesday, 3 December 2014

INSURGENCY IN NIGERIA (BOKO HARAM) HAS BECOME A GLOBAL ISSUE. DO YOU AGREE? JUSTIFY YOUR CLAIM AND GIVE POSSIBLE SOLUTIONS.


Introduction
            Preparations for gender socialization begin even before the birth of the child. One of the first questions people ask of expectant parents is the sex of the child. This is the beginning of a social categorization process that continues throughout life. Preparations for the birth often take the infant's sex into consideration (e.g., painting the room blue if the child is a boy, pink for a girl). Today it is largely believed that most gender differences are attributed to differences in socialization, rather than genetic and biological factors. Gender stereotypes can be a result of gender socialization. Girls and boys are expected to act in certain ways, and these ways are socialized from birth by many parents (and society). For example, girls are expected to be clean and quiet, while boys are messy and loud. As children get older, gender stereotypes become more apparent in styles of dress and choice of leisure activities.  Boys and girls who do not conform to gender stereotypes are usually ostracized by same-age peers for being different.  This can lead to negative effects, such as lower self-esteem.  
            According to Anifowose (2004) Nigerian women constitute about half of the population of the country and are known to play vital roles as mother, producer, time manager, community organizer and social and political activist. But despite the major roles they play and their population, the society has not given recognition to these and to the fact that they are discriminated against. This is due to some cultural stereotype, abuse of religion, traditional practices and patriarchal societal structures. Nigerian women have therefore over the years become target of violence of diverse form based on their positions in promoting transformative politics. This paper will therefore examine genderinequality suffered by women; secondly, access the current status of women in politics and the various efforts made by them for their political empowerment; thirdly, identify problems women face in their quest to participate in politics and lastly suggest possible measures for their political empowerment.
Clarification of terms
            Anifowose (2004) opines that Socialization is a complex process through which individuals learn, assimilate and internalize the customs, norms and culture of the society, and from values that are acceptable to the society. Political Socialization Like we said earlier of socialization, public opinion is grounded on political socialization which itself is a complex process through which individuals become aware of politics, learn political facts, and form political values. According to Kira (2003) political cultureis a people’s predominant beliefs, attitudes, values, ideals, sentiments and evaluation about the political system. It isthis political culture that political socialization transmits. From the above assertions one could say that the process of political socialization is an endless thing which involves the transmission of a people’s, groups and societies political culture from generation to generation.
            Political socialization is the study of the developmental processes by which people of all ages (12 to 30) and adolescents acquire political cognition, attitudes, and behaviors. It refers to a learning process by which norms and behavior acceptable to a well running political system are transmitted from one generation to another. It is through the performance of this function that individuals are inducted into the political culture and their orientations towards political objects are formed (Anifowose 2004).
            According toKira (2003) Gender politics refers to a society's position on gender roles. What is acceptable or unacceptable for males and females"? You might want to contrast that with your gender role views, or the general opinion of people today. Kira (2003) gender politics deals with activities that are appropriate for males and females and what rights, resources and powers have inequality is a form of discrimination against the female folk. It is the inadequate participation of women in developmental issues and decision making process.
Gender Inequality: Gender Inequality often stern from social structures that have institutionalized conceptions of gender differences. Cultural stereotypes are possible are possible explanations for gender inequality and the resulting gender disparity. According to Phillips (1995) women have been traditionally are designated to occupations which requires such skills. While these skills are culturally valued, they were typically associated with domesticity. Therefore, occupation requiring these skills is not economically valued. Men have been traditionally viewed as “bread winners” or the workers, so jobs held by men have been historically and economically value and paid higher wages.
Current Status of Women in Politics
            The 1979 Nigerian constitution guaranteed the rights of women to participate in active politics; however, the last decade has witnessed a relative increase in women’s participation. This is only when we measure increase in participation with certain standards like the number of women who vote in elections; the number of public offices held by women; number of women related policies implemented by government etc. Over the years, there has been a remarkable increase in women’s participation in politics in Nigeria considering these standards, yet there is inherently a pronounced level of underrepresentation of women in politics when compared with their male counterparts. Women’s aspiration to participate in governance is premised on the following ground; that women in Nigeria represent half of the population and hence should be allowed a fair share in decision-making and the governance of the country. Secondly that all human beings are equal and women possess the same rights as men to participate in governance and public life. The right to democratic governance is an entitlement conferred upon all citizens by law.

            The 1999 Nigerian constitution by virtue of Section 40 states the following: Every person shall be entitled to assemble freely and associate with other persons, and in particular he may form or belong to any political party, trade union or any other association for the protection of his interests: Provided that the provisions of this section shall not derogate from the powers conferred by this Constitution on the Independent National Electoral Commission with respect to political parties to which that Commission does not accord recognition.
            From the foregoing, it appears that there is nothing in the constitution, which excludes the participation of women in politics in Nigeria. Yet when it comes to actual practice, there is extensive discrimination. Few and almost insignificant number of women were elected into various posts in the 1999, 2003 and 2007 general elections held in the country. Men dominate most public offices till date. Female gubernatorial candidates have emerged but none has ever won and same goes for the Presidency. Legislative representation has witnessed the presence of women yet they remain under-represented when compared to their male counterparts.
            Following two decades of military rule statistics reveal that women only secured 3% representation in contested positions in 1999, 4% in 2003, while in 2007 they made with only 6%. Few and almost insignificant number of women were elected into various posts in past three general elections held in the country between 1999 and 2007. The result of the survey shows that no woman was elected as governor of any state in the federation. We only had few women as members of Houses of Assembly across the country and as members of the upper house(Senate) and lower house (House of Representative) of the National Assembly. This survey shows a poor representation of women in the 1999, 2003 and 2007 elections. In 2003 in States like Adamawa, Cross River, Ebonyi, Jigawa, Kano, Katsina, Kebbi, Nasarawa, Oyo, Sokoto, Yobe and Zamfara, no woman was elected as member of the State House of Assembly. In states where women were elected as members of House of Assembly, they were very few. According to the figures collated from the database of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), records shows that a total 7160 candidates (men and women) contested in the April elections. Of this number, only 628 women participated. Out of the 25 candidates that participated for the office of the President, only 1 is a woman while 5 women contested for the office of the Vice President, (
For instance, there were about 9 female senators out of 109 Senators and 25 women in the House of Representatives of 360 members, and also 54 female members of the State Assemblies. This is two percent improvement of the 2003 general elections. In 2007 there was about

HOW SOCIALIZATION HAS AFFECTED GENDER POLITICS IN NIGERIA

Gender roles – Patriarchy
The family is the main institution of patriarchy (Kate Millet, 1970), which is an important concept in explaining gender politics. Literarily, it means “the rule of the father”; more broadly, it refers to a society ruled and dominated by men over women. This is inherent in most African families. Giving men a higher social status over females has crept into public life, which reflects in state activities. The family plays an important role in maintaining this patriarchal order across generations. The socialization of children to expect and accept different roles in life has created a social mechanism for the development of values that engender the several forms of discrimination against the female sex. The greatest psychological weapon available to man is the length of time they have enjoyed dominance over women, who have taken it for granted especially in the area of politics that often continue to stereotype women and justify their subordination.

Virility deficiency – women’s conception of politics
Some consensus has been of the belief that Nigerian politics is based on high political virility – those who have all it takes to compete in the turbulent environment; those who possess the wherewithal to take it by force when force is required; those that can march violence with violence. This consensus belief that men possess the superiority strength, competitiveness, are self-reliant and are prepared to tussle in political endeavour, whereas women are considered too passive to engage in politics and governance. This consensus is also constructed by societal norms and values, which through socialization has defined different gender roles according to biological differences. Women’s perception of politics as a dirty game and continued fright at the thought of violence has further alienated them from mainstream politics. In Nigeria there seems to be no critical understanding of the difference between “a visible agenda for women and an impacting agenda for women.” (Nkoyo, 2002:29). While severally, emphasis is laid on women’s numerical strength, translating such into the attainment of powerhas been difficult as women are perceived as “supporters club, team of cheerers and clappers” in contrast to their male counterparts. Women politicians seek offices on the premise of being different; most believe they must do what men are doing to succeed. And the meekness of women is not to their advantage in political tussle.

Discriminatory customs and laws
The customary practices of many contemporary societies are biased by subjugating women to men and undermining their self-esteem. The overall impact of gender bias, cultural norms and practices has entrenched a feeling of inferiority in women and place them at a disadvantage vis-à-vis their male counterpart in the socio-political scene even in urban centers.
These socially constructed norms and stereotype roles make women overplay their ‘feminity’ by accepting that they are ‘weaker sexes’,  overemphasizing the dainty nature of their sex and regarding exceptional achievement as masculine. For example, most customs often prefer sending the male child to school over the female, who is expected to nurture siblings and to be married off. This marginally increases the illiterate women and stiffens their competition with their male counterparts in politics.

Religious Doctrine: Some religious doctrines militate against the active participation of women in politics and position of authority. As Millet puts it: “patriarchy has God on its side” that is, Christianity portrays Eve as an afterthought produced from Adam’s spare rib. Furthermore, it is held that the origin of gender discrimination began from their sins. Islamic doctrines strictly bar women from some political endeavor public speaking etc. That can facilitate their political ambitions. In recent times, however, there have been a number of movements to the commitment, both to the personal and social change of women in their status in public life. Through series of women enlightenment, emancipation and conscious raising of groups on women movement, women subordination in politics have been reduced to an extent. Women through several of these platforms have played influential roles and this has further spurred more women in to politics.

Lack of affirmative action quota
Affirmative Action is usually a measure intended to supplement non-discrimination; it is a broad term encompassing a host of policies that seek to support weak groups in society. They include policies where deliberate action is used to stop discrimination. A policy process of this kind allows for rules that have the objective of enhancing equal opportunity for individuals and the improvement, in the situation of marginalized groups. In 1979, the United Nations General Assembly adopted the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). This convention has variously been described as the “Bible of women empowerment” and “Women’s International Bill of Rights.” Since its adoption it has become a reference point for the women’s movement in the demand for gender equality. The Convention “reflects the depth of the exclusion and restriction practiced against women solely on the basis of their sex by calling for equal rights for women, regardless of their marital status in all fields – political, economic, social, cultural and civil. It calls for national legislations to ban discrimination, recommends temporary special measures to speed equality in fact between men and women” (UNESCO, 1999:6). The Convention provides that: Adoption by States Parties of temporary special measures aimed at accelerating de facto equality between men and women shall not be considered discrimination as defined in the present Convention, but shall in no way entail as a consequence the maintenance of unequal or separate standards; these measures shall be discontinued when the objectives of equality of opportunity and treatment have been achieved. - Article IV, CEDAW. The 1999 Constitution made provided somewhat similar affirmative action to supplement non-discrimination of contending parties. The Constitution provides that: “the composition of the government of the federation or any of its agencies and the conduct of its affairs shall be carried out in such a manner as to reflect the federal character of Nigeria and the need to promote national unity, and also command loyalty, thereby ensuring that there shall be no predominance of persons from a few states or from a few ethnic or other sectional groups in that Government or any of its agencies. It is not the use of Affirmative Action that seems to be the problem but the practical effects and its linkage to fundamental ideas of fairness and justice.

Lack of economic incentives (Financial backing)
Women’s historical experience of discrimination puts them at a disadvantage economically. Political campaigns are expensive and require solid financial backing for success. Over the years, sexual division of labour and job opportunities offered on sex basis has given men productive gender roles, enabling them to possess more purchasing power over their female counterparts. As an implication, the Nigerian labour market has about 75% of labour being supplied by men. This economic disparity favour men to the disadvantage of women. Only few women that are affluent possess the economic power to bankroll political campaigns. Societal value assumes that political activities are masculine and this makes it worse as financiers and sponsors of politicians prefer male candidates over female ones, since they believe they stand a better chance. Most success achieved by women in politics has been through women movements that sponsor women political aspirations financially and otherwise. Women dependence on men financially made manifest through wife’s dependence on their husbands in families reveals the extent of financial incapacitation of women in Nigerian politics. As a result, women political aspirations have been grossly hampered by lack of financial bedrock to subsist their endeavor.

CORRUPTION
Corruption which has become the latent function of women involvement in governance process is growing with the speed of light. Women that was perceived as an indispensable gender in nation building have joined their male counterpart in looting with impunity. Following the gender struggle with corruption as the umpire, can one say that indeed women can do what men can do? or is morality gradually fading away? Maybe is a change in societal role  or our own definition of gender equality.

The first female speaker of the house of representative, Patricia Etteh was dethroned as the fourth most powerful official in government following a corruption allegation involving   N628 million. The first Female minister of petroleum, Diezani Alison Madueke is not also free from corruption scandal as she was accused of withdrawing #30.9 billion in five days from December 26 ,2007 in order to beat government 31st December deadline for returning of unspent budget allocation to government treasury when she was the minister of transportation.
            Obasanjo Bello was also in the same canopy as she was accused of N3.5 billion contract scam which she allegedly awarded to her company when she was the commissioner of health in Ogun state. On the same gender and sector but at federal level, professor Adenike Grange, a former minister of health and 12 others were charged by EFCC on the ground of corruption following N300million unspent fund belonging to ministry of health which was shared by the accused under the instruction of the minister. Minister of aviation,Mrs Stella Oduah was not left out by the dew of corruption as she allegedly bought two budgeted  BMW armored cars at an exotic price of N225 million. For some inexplicable reasons, government has still decided to keep the beautiful minister in her cabinet as the call for her removal from the office by the masses does not cut an ice on government.






FACTORS LEADING TO THE GROWTH OF WOMEN PARTICIPATION IN POLITICS

Women Empowerment Programs
According to Nkoyo (2002) women empowerment is a multi-dimensional process involving the transformation of the economic, political, social, psychological and legal circumstances of the powerless with its aim of dismantling the cultural, traditional and social norms, which disvalue, disempower and dispossess women with its central objectives tied to the needs of women to opportunities, facilities, skill acquisition and position of authority, especially within the political sphere. This recent development accords women the opportunity to develop their individual talent and contribute more meaningfully to societal development, helping subvert cultural as well as the societal norms which have been of disadvantage to the women folk.
            For instance, theForum of Nigerian Women in Politics (FONWIP) whose central objective is to promote women empowerment and eradication of all forms of violence and discrimination against women. It supports women in decision making in both public and private sector. The group organizes seminars on empowerment and inequality among other things. It is influential in its agenda; it requested that government should yield to 30% female representation in government appointments; made several attempts to increase official awareness on gender issues in public policies and conduct of workshops for women who aspire to run for public offices (Nkoyo (2002).
Activities of UN and other International Organizations
            The principles, policies and actions towards ending gender inequality in Nigerian politics have been advanced and undertaken with the influence of international organizations by both government and non-governmental organizations. On its part, the United Nations (UN) has fostered several Declarations and Conventions aimed at ending all forms of political discrimination among women.

Quotas and proportional representation: These are generally seen as a positive action of laws allocating quotas for women to assist in the promotion for gender balance in public life. Quotas are considered as a legitimate means of securing this end. According to Nkoyo (2002) the exclusion of women in politics is as a result of reasons such as financial, cultural, traditional and political. Asserting this fact and the reasons that have made it so implies that quotas should not be seen as discrimination towards men and cannot be branded unconstitutional as most quotas are formulated under neutral basis. The Law (Nigerian) provides for a maximum of 60% and a minimum of 30% representation for either sex, which was implemented as a result of the Beijing Conference. The Conference agreed that 30% of public seat and positions should be reserved for women. Nigeria records an increase of 78% progress in women’s election into public offices spanning from 1999 - 2007. In the 4th Republic which started on May 29, 1999 the Nigerian political terrain had witnessed an increase in the number of women political appointees as few women have emerged as Chairpersons of Local Government Councils. Lagos State produced a female Deputy Governor in the person of Senator Bucknor Akerele. In the Senate, there were three (3) women namely Chief (Mrs.) Agbalajobi 081 Florence Ita Giwa representing Cross-River State, South Senatorial District; Mrs. Stella Omu from Delta State and Hajia Khairat Abdul-Rasaq representing the FCT. Twelve (12) women in the House of Representatives; Barrister Iquo Minimah, Mrs. Patience Ogodo, Lola Abiola Edewor, Patience O. Etteh, Dorcas Odurinrin, J.F. Adeyemi, Binta Garba Kosi, Gbenni Saraki, Florence Aya, Linda Ikpeazu, Temi Harrinnan and Mercy Almona Isei. In the Executive Councils, Former President Obansanjo also appointed a number of women in the Federal Executive Council. In the present administration eight (8) women occupy strategic ministerial posts, they are – Prof. Dora Akunyili the (Min. for Information), Mrs. Felicia Njeze (Min. of State), Mrs. Dlazani Madueke (Defence), Mrs. Agata Jerry (Transport), Mrs. Aishatu Dikku (Min. of State), Mrs. Grace Ekpiwhre (Science and Technology), Fatima Ibrahim (Min. of State of Energy and Power) and Mrs. Bingudu (Min. of women Affairs),(Nkoyo  2002).
            From the foregoing it is evident that there has been an increase in the number of positions manned by women in Nigerian political affairs, afar cry from what persisted in the 1950s. This has been made possible due to the quota allocation system as approved by the UN to be implemented in global politics. It can therefore be seen that the practice of the quota system assists in reducing the low-level of women participation in politics, a veritable solution to male dominated patriarchal society. It also stereotypes the presence of women, which changes the face of decision making, providing opportunities for substantive input. This technique contributes to no small measure in improving female intention to participate in Nigerian politics despite the prevailing political structure and societal norms, as “a woman’s experience is needed and necessary in political life and policy making in order to represent the entire society”(Nkoyo  2002).

Conclusion
Socialization and gender politics in Nigeria is discussed in three historical epochs namely, pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial periods. Since the inception of democracy in 1999, especially since 2011, the number of women in the governance process has been on the increase. This is evident in the number of women in the national assembly, government agencies, departments and ministerial positions .Just as light was about to shine at the end of the  tunnel following the gradual cultural liberation by women, came a bigger tunnel known as corruption ,a syndrome to ethics and morality.
Women Participation in Nigerian politics is an issue of great importance. Women have been put at the background politically for years; this has engendered a consciousness of women under-representation in public life. However, the intention of most women to participate in politics is basically to support their female folk, this is their substantive responsibility and it is even on this platform that most women emerge as public office holders successfully. They use the platform of women movement as a veritable platform to seize political power and consolidate the power on this same platform. Be as it may, there is an increase in women participation on these bases and women movements are promising in achieving gender equality and equity.


REFERENCES
Abiola A. A and Lanre A (2003). Gender Audit – 2003 Election and Issues In Women’s Political                 Participation In Nigeria. A Publication of Women Advocates Research And Documentation Centre (WARDC), Retrieved, http:www.google/Nigerian women and politics, 3rd July 2014

Anifowose. R (2004). Women Political Participation in Nigeria: Problems and Prospects. Lagos:     Concept Publication Limited.

Kira S (2003). Gender-Related Knowledge and the Descriptive Representation of Women.African    Journal of Political Science and International Relations Vol. 4(2), pp.075-082,

Nkoyo N (2002). “Women are looking for new partners for empowerment” in community magazine            CAPP Publication 5(1), http://www.academicjournals.org/ajpsir accessed 30th June 2014.

The 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Amended 2010. 

UNESCO (1999). Unit for the Promotion of the Status of Women andGender Equality. Paris: Johson           publishers. Retrieved http:www.google/women and democracy.com, 4th July 2014

Phillips A (1995). The Politics of Presence. Oxford: Polity Press.
Rosaldo MZ, Louise L Eds. (1974). Women, Culture and Society. Liverpool: Stanford University     Press.

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