ABSTRACT
This paper argues that terrorism poses enormous threats to
the security, political stability, economic development and human security of
the West African governments and people. It submits that the region is not
presently a hub of terrorism but is a fertile ground for breeding terrorist
networks through trans-national criminal networks, small arms proliferation,
illegal natural resource transfer, human and drugs trafficking. It traces the
root of precarious security in the region to poverty, underdevelopment, youth
unemployment, bad governance and categorises the types of terrorist groups in
Africa, all of which are presently operating in the region. The paper examines the theoretical and
practical justification and also the limit of good governance and collective
security in the fight against terrorism. It posits that West Africa has robust
governance mechanism for preventing security threat but a relatively
underdeveloped security architecture for effectively tackling the menace. It
submits that neither of these two approaches can work alone, in isolation of
the other and articulates a framework for integrating good governance and
collective security strategies in the region’s effort to prevent
terrorism.
Keywords: Governance, terrorism,
security
INTRODUCTION
The attack on the World Trade Centre and the Pentagon on
September 11, 2001 by a terrorist group known as Al-Qaeda re-awakened the world
to the threat posed by the phenomenon to international peace and security. It
also renewed the interests of stakeholders in fighting terrorism anywhere it
could be found in the world. However, fighting terrorism is no tea party
because it entails a lot of financial commitments. Though it appears that it is
only the great powers that are confronted with the threat of terrorist attacks
and have sufficient resources to fight it, the spate of attacks in Kenya,
Tanzania and Somalia in the early part of the decade; coupled with growing
activities of pirates in the African high sea illustrates the threat posed by
terrorism to African countries. This situation has been compounded by Africa’s
litany of bad governance and economic disarticulation, leading to conflicts,
war and proliferation of criminal groups in several parts of the continent.
Unfortunately, most African countries do not possess the resources and required
technology to individually fight terrorism. Terrorism is a term that has defied
a generally accepted definition. The 1937 Convention for the Prevention and
Punishment of Terrorism defines terrorism as “all criminal acts directed
against a state and intended or calculated to create state of terror in the
minds of particular persons or a group of persons or the general public”
(Duffy, 2006: 17). Terrorism is often employed to achieve political ends, even
when it also evinces other motives, such as religious, economic, ethnic or
social. But while all terrorism has a political purpose, there are technical
and moral dissimilarities, civil dissidence, and other forms of civil violence,
or revolution, which are also political phenomena in themselves (Harmon,
2000:1).
Africa’s exposure to the menace of terrorism is perhaps best
illustrated by the recorded incidents of terrorism on the continent. In 1993,
18 American soldiers were killed in Mogadishu, Somalia, during an attack
carried out on the US Peacekeeping team in the country and which some analysts
attributed to Islamic terrorists. In 1998, terrorists bombed the American
embassies in Nairobi, Kenya, and Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, and killing over 200
people while injuring more than 4,000. In October 2000, the U.S.S. Cole ship was struck by terrorists in
Yemen, just off the east coast of Africa in an attack that claimed the lives of
17 American sailors. Furthermore, in November 2002, al Qaeda– backed terrorists
bombed a hotel and attempted to force down an Israeli airliner with a
shoulder-held surface-to-air missile near Mombasa, Kenya (United States
Institute of Peace, 2004:1-2). Between 1999 and 2006 alone, 6,177 casualties
were recorded from 296 acts of terrorism in Africa (Goredema and Botha, 2005:
51). In addition to these, pirates in the Gulf of Aden, off the Coast of
Somalia carried out 73 attacks on ship, and were still holding on to 11 people
as at October 2008 (The Guardian,
2008:11). War and weak governance in several parts of Africa provided the
fertile land for criminal networks to germinate and these networks have proved
themselves ready to collaborate with terrorists in order to undermine security
in Africa. Terrorism has the brightest chances of blossoming in Africa in the
next decades due to its multifarious “ungoverned spaces”, unresolved “national
questions” and bad governance which are at the root of political instability,
the question of over non-transparent resource management, political selection
rather than election which results from failure to deepen democratic
governance.
The West African region is the most advanced in designing
and nurturing of structures and institutions to fight insecurity in Africa.
Ironically, it is the most vulnerable to terrorist attacks because of the
availability of small arms and light weapons, bad governance, management
problem in the extractive industries, trans-border criminal networks
capitalising on free movement of people in the region and activities of external
interests, among other factors. Simmering indicators of possible terrorist
presence in the region included Islamic fundamentalists’ activities in Northern
Nigeria and militancy in the Niger Delta region, Touareg insurgency in Mali,
and violence in the Cassamance region of Senegal. Pirates have already hijacked
8 Nigerian Vessels off the Niger Delta coast while 64 attacks have been carried
out against Nigerian Merchant Ships in 2008 alone (Osagie and Nzeshi, 2008: 1,
7). The crisis in the Mano River region in the 90s has demonstrated that they
may, if not checked, have contagious effects and spread to other countries in
the region. ECOWAS, the sub-regional body in the region is not unaware of this
fact and has put in place some structures for the good governance and conflict
prevention, so as to not only prevent conflicts but also safeguard the security
of member state from all forms of hostilities, including terrorism. ECOWAS was
founded in 1975 as a sub-regional organisation aimed at regional integration
and economic development of its member states. Unfortunately, over the years,
the sub-region was beset with a number of violent conflicts which force the
member states to divert the scarce resources available for regional economic
development and integration to military purposes and peacekeeping. The founding
fathers then found it necessary to revise the ECOWAS Treaty of 1975 in July
1993 and among the innovation was their acknowledgement of the fact that
economic prosperity and regional cooperation can only be fully realised in a
peaceful, stable, secure and democratic environment. It, therefore, made a
shift in emphasis to peace and security in member states as a pre-requisite for
achieving regional economic development and integration as envisaged by the
founders (Adefuye, 2008: 8). The ECOWAS structures for mainstreaming good
governance and conflict management include the Council of Elders, the ECOWAS
Early Warning System, Peacekeeping Missions in collaboration with the UN,
Peacebuilding Operations in collaboration with the UN Peacebuilding Commission,
Elections and Democratic Elections and Human Security (Ndinga-Muvumba and
Lamin, 2006). However, these initiatives have proved insufficient in putting an
end to security threats, especially terrorism in West Africa.
This paper will, therefore, ask the question: Is it good
governance or collective security that represents the best strategy to combat
terrorism in West Africa? The paper shall analyse the terrorists’ typology in
the Africa (because there is no difference between the West African scenario
and the entire continent), examine the principles of collective security,
enumerate the principles of good governance, and suggest ways through which the
region can prevent terrorism through the combination good governance and
collective security, and then conclude.
TYPES OF TERRORIST GROUPS IN AFRICA
Africa’s colonial and post-colonial history is synonymous
with the emergence and development of several violent groups which were label
as “terrorist” groups. “Terrorism” in Africa has however, undergone some
changes, defined by the dynamics inherent in global political, social and
economic milieu. The types of terrorist groups that emerged from the continent
over time differs in orientation and mission, but can be captured under four
major headings, namely revolutionary, economic, religious and transnational
criminals. This list overlaps and it is neither comprehensive nor exhaustive
but helps as analytical tool in knowing the underlying causes of terrorism on
the continent.
Revolutionary: According
to Paul Wilkinson, revolutionary terrorism is aimed at revolution or to the
achievement tactical revolutionary objectives. It characteristics are: (a)
always a group phenomenon, however, tiny the group, with a leadership and an
ideology or programme, however crude; (b) develops alternative institutional
structures; (c) the organisation of violence and terrorism is typically
undertaken by specialist conspiratorial and Para-military organs within the
revolutionary movement (Wilkinson, 1977:56). Revolutionary terrorists always
have their ultimate goal, the capture of political power and seek to
restructure both the sub-structure and super-structure of the society. The
African revolutionary groups included the African National Congress of South
Africa, the Mau Mau Movement in Kenya, revolutionary groups that fought for the
independence of Zimbabwe, Guinea Bissau, Angola, Algeria and Mozambique. These
groups, whose leading lights included Franz Fanon, Amilcar Cabral, Oliver
Thambo and Joshua Nkomo, engaged violent means in either forcefully capturing
power from the colonialists or compelling them to the negotiation table.
Religious Groups: Many
of the Islamic movements in Africa are not terrorists, but some groups are
hiding under the umbrella of Islam to perpetrate terrorist activities. They
have agents in Northern, Eastern and Central Africa and they have claimed
responsibility for past attacks on Kenya, Tanzania and Algeria. The continent
has also become exposed to terrorists’ threat due to the increasing difficulty
being experienced by Al-Qaeda in launching attacks directly on the US, hence
their several attempts to attack their allies in Africa like Nigeria, Egypt,
Kenya, and Ethiopia.
Economic/Transnational
Criminals: The activities of this group gained prominence as a result of
poverty and neglect of the people in the developing world. The underlying reason for their activities is profit-making.
Groups in this category lack a clearly defined political goal, though some are
adopted merely for the purpose of “legitimising” their activities. Their scope
of activities ranges from robbery, internet scam, drug and human trafficking to
small arms proliferation, illegal oil bunkering and diamond transfer, money
laundering and so on. This menace, partly caused by high level of youth
unemployment, poorly regulated immigration, ill-prepared economic
liberalisation, has different levels of development in most parts of West
Africa. A report on the problem by the UN explained that the impact of crime in
West Africa is profound as it undercut state institutions, threatens human
security, and increases the challenges for honest travellers and business
operators (UNODC, 2005:4). The account of US Bureau of investigation attributed
the emergence of trans-national criminal gangs in Africa to Nigeria. According
to the report, they are:
Predominantly originate from Nigeria, but also with
some criminal groups originating from other African countries, such as Ghana
and Liberia…Nigerian criminal enterprises are the most significant of the
African criminal enterprises…operating in more than 80 countries of the world.
They are a significant emergeing criminal threat confronting law enforcement
agencies worldwide. Nigeria criminal enterprises are some of the most
aggressive and expansionist international criminal group and are primarily
involved in drug trafficking and financial frauds (Peters, 2003: 321)
To Peters (Ibid: 323-324) five factors that are responsible
for the upsurge in transnational crime include: the end of the cold war,
economic and trade liberalisation, technological advancement globalisation of
businesses and explosion in international travels.
PRINCIPLES OF COLLECTIVE SECURITY
Collective security is an indispensable tool used by
nation-states in ensuring stability, peace and development of the international
system. It stems from the realization that the security threats confronting
nations in contemporary times are such that may not be solved by states acting
alone, hence the need for synergy of capacity and strategy. Collective security
also assures of the protection of economic, cultural, political, and other ties
which states involved treasures and wants to continue preserving. The United
Nations, African Union, and ECOWAS have collective security framework for
ensuring sustainable peace and security. Their agenda covers a wide spectrum of
issues and security considerations are usually defined within the framework of
actions geared towards long-term sustainable development. However, the North
Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) made up of the United States and its allies
represents a quintessential collective security organisation defined in purely
military term.
Globalization is a major factor which makes collective security
indispensable for states in recent times. Growing inter-relatedness and
liberalization of movement and economic affairs have increased the risk of
attack and made easier planning and execution of violence, criminality and
terrorism. The increasing ‘privatization’ of terrorism, perpetrated with a high
level of sophistication and precision, is one of the manifestations and side
effects of globalization (Adejumobi, 2004).
However, collective security is solution to insecurity,
including terrorism that has a lot of problems which makes it insufficient to
tackle the challenges posed by terrorism. According to Chalk, the problem with
this solution, as far as the fight against terrorism is concerned includes:
-
The inherent tension between state sovereignty and the
common will upon which regional cooperation is founded – namely that effective
collaborative action necessarily requires individual member countries to cede
some of their national independence to the wider group collective.
-
The highly personalized nature of governance and
politics in Africa, which has not only hindered the development of
institutionalized forms of cooperation but also made these efforts contingent
on the nature of the individual relationships that exist between what are often
overly powerful presidents.
-
The proliferation of regional groupings with
overlapping memberships and/or mandates, which has resulted in duplication of
effort, wastage of resources and conflicting spheres of jurisdiction. Moreover,
in several instances it has led to highly problematic institutional confusion,
much of which has arisen from the pursuit of contradictory policies that have
been instituted by countries belonging to more than one organization.
-
A general lack of stakeholder involvement –
particularly in relation to those constituencies most affected by regional
security cooperation and related decision-making processes.
-
Differing perceptions of the terrorist phenomena and
the specific threat that it is seen to pose.
-
A general absence of integrated national
counter-terrorist structures through which to channel and direct wider regional
responses.
-
Insufficient national resources – both technical and
human – to invest in counter-terrorism strategies commensurate with the
rhetorical missions and designs adopted at the international level. - The frequent use of proxy sub-state actors
to undermine and destabilize bordering states (Chalk, 2005 16).
These challenges are present in West Africa. As the ECOWAS
is rivalled by UEMOA and the Mano River Union, the region is bedevilled by an
implicit power-play between the Presidents, while many of the nations in the
region still consider regime security as national security.
PRINCIPLES OF GOOD GOVERNANCE
It is often said that there cannot be development without
good governance, a point which underscores the importance of governance to
human well-being. Unlike terrorism and collective security, good governance is
not a highly contested term as it has fairlygenerally acceptable principles by
which it can be identified. It consists of guidelines for decision-makers in
order to enable them competently manage the human, material and economic
resources in an open, accountable, transparent, equitable and lawful manner in
order to bring about social and economic development.
BOX 1: PRINCIPLES OF GOOD GOVERNANCE
POLITICAL PRINCIPLES
•
Good
governance is based on the establishment of a representative and accountable
form of government.
•
Good
governance requires a strong and pluralistic civil society, where there is
freedom of expression and association.
•
Good
governance requires good institutions – sets of rules governing the actions of
individuals and organizations and the negotiation of differences between them.
•
Good
governance requires the primacy of the rule of law, maintained through an
impartial and effective legal system.
•
Good
governance requires a high degree of transparency and accountability in public
and corporate processes. A participatory approach to service delivery is
important for public services to be effective.
ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES
•
Good
governance requires policies to promote broad-based economic growth, a dynamic
private sector and social policies that will lead to poverty reduction.
Economic growth is best achieved in an efficient, open, marketbased economy.
•
Investment
in people is a high priority, through policies and institutions that improve
access to quality education, health and other services that underpin a
country’s human resource base.
•
Effective
institutions and good corporate governance are needed to support the development
of a competitive private sector. In particular, for markets to function, social
norms are needed that respect contract and property rights.
•
Careful
management of the national economy is vital in order to maximize economic and
social advancement.
Source: The Australian Government Overseas Aids Program
(2008). Good Governance: Guiding Principles for Implementation, Canberra:
AUSaid.
As illustrated by Box 1 (above), good governance contains
economic and political principles like representative governance, plurality of
opinion, observance of the rule of law, good institutions and participatory
decision-making. It also features pro-poor market based economic process,
investment in human capital and primacy of social consideration in the economic
process. Good governance ensure the achievement of stability in states, and if
replicated across a regional bloc could discourage political instability,
criminality, dissension, corruption and other forms of factors that can lead to
regional security threats.
However, is good governance sufficient to prevent threats to
regional security, especially by terrorists? Proponents of the good governance
school will point to the influence on accountable and democratic governance in
parts of South East Asia, North America and Europe as a catalyst of enduring
security, growth and development. Because of the influence of these open
societies, inter-state wars has been eliminated, internal dissensions are being
taken care of by strong institutions and equitable governance which prevents
their degeneration into conflict, while consensus towards the promotion of
human rights, fight against corruption, extractive industries transparency
initiatives and other trans-border consensus building on values, have enabled
them make their countries inhabitable for terrorist groups. Proponents of this
approach argues that there would neither be need for peacekeeping and conflict
prevention by international organisations if good governance principles are
adhered to by states and that African countries will not be conducive to
terrorist groups. Nevertheless, replicating this in Africa, albeit West Africa,
seems problematic as far as the opponents of this school of thought are
concerned. These realists argue that many African countries are far from
establishing the structures and institutions to entrench good governance and
the only realistic measure is the militarycentric approach. Radical elements
from the Marxian school of thoughts even believe that there is inextricable
linkage between the wealth of the developed world and the poverty of the
developing world and that the international capitalist division of labour,
rather than governance, determines wealth, stability and capacity of states.
However, for African countries, it will take time before most of them
domesticate and internalise good governance principles in such a way that
conflict, trans-national crimes and terrorism can be substantially prevented
solely through governance strategies. Institutions have to be re-built,
distribution process of public resources has to be re-ordered, and electoral
institutions have to be reformed while economic liberalisation structures have
to be entrenched. These in themselves could become catalyst for breeding of
more terrorists if not well handled. How do we then tackle terrorism?
PREVENTING TERRORISM IN WEST AFRICA: SOME OPTIONS
CONSIDERED
The idea underlying the promotion of good governance in West
Africa is to prevent all forms of threats to security and provide avenue for
contradictions and conflicts to be amicably resolved within the
domestic/national framework. To this end ECOWAS has enacted some principles in
its Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management, Peacekeeping and Security,
and the Supplementary Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance to which
member-states must subscribe to, in order to be seen to be practising good and
accountable governance. They include provisions on the conduct of elections,
constitutional convergence principles, provisions on human rights and others
which many African countries have signed on to. Proponents of the good
governance perspective are persuaded that the domestication and
institutionalisation of these regional mechanisms would assure the region of
enhanced security. They would quickly point to the impact of ECOWAS Election
Observation Missions have ensured better elections in member countries like
Benin 2008, Ghana 2008, Mali and Nigeria 2007, Guinea 2007, The Gambia 2006 and
Guinea Bissau 2007 and 2009.They will also point to the stabilisation of the
situation in Guinea Bissau and the restoration of democracy in Togo after the
death of Gnasingbe Eyadema. To them, these states might have become failed
states, but for the governance initiatives of ECOWAS. Another avenue through
which ECOWAS fight terrorists’ networks is through the Dakar-based
Inter-Governmental Action Group Against Money Laundering (GIABA), an agency of
the ECOWAS Commission. GIABA undertake actions to stop the financing of
terrorism in West Africa by helping the build the capacity of states and
networking with other international organisations. In addition, the ECOWAS
Council of the Wise have also mediated in conflicts in the region to prevent
them from degenerating to full-fledged war. Since many African countries do not
possess the financial clout to fight terrorism, the best form of defence they
could put in place, according to them, is to prevent situations that will make
them flourish through good political governance.
The essence of collective security is to combat present
threats to peace and stability in the West African sub-region. This strategy’s
usage became imperative following growing insecurity in the Mano River Basin
starting from the late 80s, with spill-over effects on other West African
countries. It started with the deployment of the West African Monitoring Group
(ECOMOG) and the eventual development of a framework for sustainable peace and
security in West Africa, following the UN model. However, the region lacks a
specific framework on the fight against terrorism, from a collective security
standpoint. The provisions in its revised treaty of 1993 as contained in
Chapter X, Articles 56-59, (ECOWAS, 1993: 34-36) to fight criminal networks
that may collaborate with terrorists and which are yet to become fully
operational include the ones that makes provision for judicial/legal matters,
regional security, and immigration (ECOWAS, Ibid).
Against this backdrop, ECOWAS encourages and supports
periodic meetings between Defence Chiefs of member-states and has also been
coordinating its peace support operation activities with the United Nations and
the Africa Union. This led to the creation of the ECOWAS Standby Force (ESF).
It also instituted the Moratorium against Importation and Exportation of Small
Arms and Light Weapons in 1998 and this was renewed in 2001, while its code of
conduct came into force in 2002. It was later upgraded to a Convention (Yoroms,
2007:100). Most of the countries in the ECOWAS region have not put in place
legislations to combat terrorism; save for Nigeria, Ghana and Senegal. The
non-existence of a properly-functioning collective structure to fight terrorism
in the sub-region is a source of concern to stakeholders, especially given the
unwillingness of some member-states to conform to the Convention and also the
non-implementation of the relevant protocol.
The solution to the terrorist threats facing the region
however lays in the fusion of both governance and collective security strategies.
The relative underdevelopment of military strategy to combat terrorism in West
Africa would appear to be a blessing in disguise because of its tendency to
ignore the material and sociological root of terrorism and throw up more
vicious, violent and radical elements. Adopting this would have been
counter–productive for the region. It also has the tendency to raise anti-west
sentiments because of the keenness of the Western countries to sponsor this
aspect (and given the poverty of many West African countries). More so,
terrorism is not only concerned with military affairs as it involves financial
transactions, biological warfare, and website hacking and a host of other
activities. However, the military component should be developed only as a
complement to the already existing robust governance strategy which is being
operationalized in the region. This more sober and human-security biased view,
appears to be the direction of the ECOWAS Commission and other stakeholders in
the region in the fight against terrorism, and should be encouraged. This
should be done in a number of ways.
Efforts to prevent terrorism should be more holistic,
systematic and address the human security dimension. It should involve
inter-governmental and inter-departmental activities involving as a single
whole working together, the following organisations and interests: ECOWAS (its
different agencies and units), UEMOA, Mano River Union, civil society networks
like WACSOF, WANSED, WANSAA and so on, other inter-governmental organisations
and governments of member states. A strategy should be evolved to situate
counter-terrorism measures within a broad development agenda for the pauperised
people of the region. First, continued pressure has to be mounted by
stakeholders for the enforcement of convention on small arms by member states
in order for the region to witness reduction in small arms and light weapons
proliferation in the region. This is important because criminal networks have
turned the region into major transit point for these arms and they have been
used to undermine the security of the people. Secondly, anti-corruption
institutions should be strengthened so that illicit transactions will be
drastically reduced. Internal political and financial reforms should be
encouraged in the member-states because many incidents of arms proliferation
and money laundering are carried out by people in politically powerful
positions. Thirdly, collaboration and consultations between security chiefs
across military, intelligence, immigration, police, gendarmeries, and civilian
practitioners’ lines should be geared towards the realisation of clearly
defined goals within workable time-frames, while the ESF should include
counter-terrorism as part of its core areas of operational capabilities. In addition
to these, sections of ECOWAS Protocol on
Democracy and Good Governance that addresses principles supportive of deepening
democracy such as the ones on conduct of credible elections and the enactment
of truly democratic constitutions should be followed up at state level by
ECOWAS to ensure that they are not only reflected but also ensure their
implementation. The ECOWAS Commission is gradually evolving a follow-up
mechanism to commit member-states to the implementation of the report of ECOWAS
Election Observation Missions. This should be supported by member states as it
promises to strengthen democracy and reduce political conflicts. These
institutions should be encouraged to work with local institutions, civil
society groups and women groups to realise the goal of sustainable security in
the region.
CONCLUSION
The
governance framework on the prevention of terrorism needs to be reinforced as
complement to the security architecture in the region. More important is the
reform of the governance of the security sector and the reinforcement of
security of the governance architecture at the member-states level. This
entails making sure that security organs should function with the ultimate goal
of assisting the political leadership realise human security for the people.
Secondly, it connotes that democracy has to be secured with good governance,
rule of law, organisation of credible elections, fight against corruption,
decentralised, open and equitable governance and accountable governance.
Focusing on the human security perspective would assure the ECOWAS countries of
a total and enduring victory in the war against corruption.
REFERENCES
Adefuye, Ade
(2008). “Good Governance and Accountability in a Democracy” Lecture delivered
to participants of National Defence College, Nigeria on 7th October
2008, Abuja, p. 8.
Adejumobi,
Said (2004). “ Terrorism: A View From Africa”In
http://www.sipri.org/contents/publications/sipribooks/businesssecurity/21_Adeju
mobi.pdf.
Chalk, Peter
(2005). “North and West Africa: The Global War on Terror and Regional Collaboration” in Terrorism Monitor, Volume 3
Issue 15, p. 16.
Duffy, Helen
(2006). The War on Terror and the Framework of International Law, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, p. 17.
Economic Community of West
African States (1993). Revised Treaty of ECOWAS,
1993,
Abuja: ECOWAS.
Goredema, Charles and Botha,
Anneli (2005). African Commitment to Combating
Organised Crime and Terrorism: A Review of Eight NEPAD
Countries, Pretoria:
Institute of
Security Studies, p. 51.
Harmon, Christopher (2000).
Terrorism Today, London: Frank Cass, p.1.
Ndinga-Muvumba,
A. and Lamin, A. (ed.) (2006). West Africa’s Evolving Security Architecture: Looking Back to the Future,
Accra: ECOWAS/CCR/UN.
Osagie, Crusoe
and Nzeshi, Onwuka (2008). “Pirates Hijack 8 Nigerian Vessels” in ThisDay, October 17 2008, p. 1-7.
Peters, Jimi
(2003). “Transnational Crimes and National Security: An Overview” in Nigerian Forum, Volume 24, Nos 11 and 12,
Nov/Dec, p.321.
The Guardian
(2008). “Pirates Seize Another Ship Off Somalia’s Coast” in The Guardian, October 16, 2008, p. 11.
United Nations
Office on Drugs and Crime (2005). Transnational Organised Crime in the West African Region, Vienna: UNODC, p. 4.
United States Institute of Peace
(2004). Terrorism in the Horn of Africa, Special Report 113, Washington D.C, USIP, p. 1-2.
Wilkinson, Paul (1977). Terrorism and the Liberal State, Norfolk: Lowe
and
Macmillan,
p. 56.
Yoroms, G. J.
(2007). “Counter-Terrorism Measures in West Africa” in Wafula Okumu and Anneli
Botha (eds) Understanding Terrorism in Africa: Building Bridges and Overcoming
the Gaps, Pretoria: Institute of Security Studies, p. 100.
No comments:
Post a Comment